With the results of the EU election now in, Maurice updates his post on the rise of the community of Others, and reflects on where we go next.
We now know that not only did the rise of the Community of Others continue after the local elections, but when all transfers were finally taken into account, they arguably (with caveats: see below) came out in greater numbers than either of the two traditional denominational communities (unionist and nationalist) in the EU elections.
After the transfers, Naomi Long of the Alliance Party ended up with 170,370 votes, to Diane Dodds’ (DUP ) 155,422 and Martina Anderson’s (SF) 152,436.
Of course, there are problems with this method of totting up support for the various camps. But even taking the more conservative approach, the first preference votes for the various positions are extraordinary.
All told, Unionists of various stripes took almost 246,000 first preferences; nationalists over 205,000, and ‘others’ just over 121,000. That’s some 21 percent to the Others.
Looking at the successful candidates alone, the DUP took around 125,000, SF 127,000, and Alliance an astonishing 106,000.
No Martian, looking at Northern Ireland’s election results for the first time, would come up with the phrase ‘the two communities’, or say ‘both communities’, and think that accurately described the NI socio-political map. Not even close.
The locally dominant paradigm – that Northern Ireland is divided into two (and only two) opposed denominational communities – must surely now be laid to rest. People may still try to work the binary reduction machine that pushes us back towards that model (by, for example, claiming that Alliance are ‘really’ soft unionists, or ‘really’ nationalists, both of which claims are currently circulating) but the mechanisms of the model are clearly breaking down.
Yet this is not enough. Everything depends on how we replace it. Alliance has done well – congratulations to them. But it is not clear that they will vigorously tackle the other dominant paradigm of our times, the globally dominant neoliberal economic model.
This is where the more progressive, left-leaning, and radical parties such as the Greens and People Before Profit (and perhaps more importantly the non-Party movements of ‘others’) come in. They – we – must now seize the moment and momentum and create a dynamic that pushes towards the democratic, grassroots redistribution of power.
While the binary reduction machine of NI politics was functioning smoothly, it was all the more difficult to address the arguably more important struggle against the crank economy.
The result of the local dominant paradigm was denominational conflict, including violence – unionist versus nationalist, Protestant versus Catholic. Now we must overcome the structural violence of inequality, austerity and poverty, the violence of misogyny, homophobia, racism, and, not least, the rapidly unfolding crisis of overconsumption in the living world – pollution, climate breakdown, extinctions, soil depletion and more.
If these global issues seem somewhat abstract (and they shouldn’t), there’s plenty of related issues for a local progressive and radical movement to get their teeth into. Not worried about the ‘global’ part of global warming? Then how about the amount of pollution fuming from the cars on our roads, the increasing number of kids packing inhalers with their school books, and, thanks to austerity cuts, closed clinics in which they cannot be treated…
In short, the rise of the ‘Others’ in recent elections opens new possibilities; but those Others should not – must not – settle into being some sort of vaguely liberal middle-ground. The stakes are far too high for that.
30 May 2019