We don’t have a poverty problem…we have a wealth problem!

For the Imagine! Festival this year, Alternative Economists Mary McManus and Bridget Meehan were joined by Councillor Matthew Brown, to talk about the Preston model, community wealth building, the campaign for a mutual bank in Northern Ireland (the Northern Mutual) and more!

Watch the video here, courtesy of the Imagine! YouTube channel:

Hosted by Maurice Macartney on 26 March 2022.

The New Economy in Northern Ireland, Part 2: New Narratives

The ‘Alternative Economists’, Mary McManus, Tiziana O’Hara, Bridget Meehan and Lee Robb return for part 2 of the New Economy NI series, to address the need for new narratives around the economy – and community – as well as some of the obstacles (‘glass ceilings’) the movement faces. Watch it here or on YouTube, or subscribe to The CombOver Podcast for the downloadable audio version.

12 September 2021

Building the New Economy in Northern Ireland

In this, the first of two films, Maurice Macartney talks to ‘the Alternative Economists’, Mary McManus, Tiziana O’Hara, Bridget Meehan and Lee Robb about community wealth building, cooperatives, mutual banking, repair cafés and more.

Featuring extracts from our Imagine Festival event from March 2021 (see below for the full video of that event).

New Economy NI

The video of the Imagine Festival ‘Creating a Fairer Society’ event of March 2021, featuring the Alternative Economists, is now available on YouTube:

The New Combination

Having brought the previous incarnation of the Combination to a close at the end of 2020, I am reviving the site in order to facilitate discussion of the new political-economic model that has emerged and is developing rapidly, including in Northern Ireland. Follow the links below to find out more, and search for the tag #NewEconomyNI on Twitter.

Maurice Macartney

4 April 2021

The New Economy NI – useful links

Here are a few useful links, in no particular order, for those interested in finding out how the new grassroots, democratic political economy is being built in Northern Ireland.

The View special edition on Building a Fairer Economy

Creating a Fairer Society Panel Discussion (Imagine! Festival)

Cooperative Alternatives

Positive Carrickfergus

(Also see this article on Positive Carrickfergus on the Revisiting Britain website)

Repair Café Belfast

Northern Mutual Bank campaign

Collaboration for Change

Belfast Tool Library

Cohousing Connections

Zero Waste North West

Contact us at @Combination_NI, or email Maurice, jointhecoo(at)gmail.com, if you have any others to recommend!

The New Economy – panel discussion

The old political economic model has crashed; grassroots democracy must be at the heart of the new, writes Maurice Macartney in the first of an occasional series.


Recording of the Imagine! Festival panel discussion

For decades, the dominant political-economic model held that the best thing for Government to do was to ‘get out of the way of the markets’.

That model should have died after the global crash of 2008; but certain political leaders worked hard to put the economy back the way it was before, ensuring that wealth – and power – could be cranked back up, as fast as possible, to a relatively small number, while rolling out a colossal programme of public cuts for the many.  

A decade of austerity and demagoguery, and one global pandemic later, the economy is crashing again. It is time we recognised this truth: the old economy lies in pieces; it is time for the new.

We cannot, must not, put the pieces back in the same way, with the gearing disproportionately directed vertically, cranking wealth and power upwards. Instead, we must direct the gears horizontally, so that the wealth that is generated in our towns and villages, our neighbourhoods, our workplaces, our communities, circulates around those communities, being amplified as it flows.

The new economy will not be the plutocracy that has dominated and divided us for decades, if not centuries; it will be a grassroots, democratic economy.

And luckily, this new economy is already here; it is already being built, already evolving in towns and cities and regions much like our own, in Cleveland, Mondragon, Preston, Emilia-Romagna, Quebec, North Ayrshire and Newham – to say nothing of the indigenous peoples all over the world who pioneered sustainability and community wealth building long before these terms began to gain traction.

The new economy is growing, too, in Northern Ireland: in the cooperative movement, in mutual banking, in repair cafés springing up in Belfast and beyond, a new movement towards building wealth in our communities is gathering momentum.

Happily, I will be finding out more about this on Monday, 22 March 2021, at 6:00pm, at the Imagine Festival panel event, ‘Creating a Fairer Society’.

For further information on these issues, follow these links:

Community Wealth Building

Cooperative Alternatives

Repair Café Belfast

Mutual Banking

Maurice Macartney

20 March 2021

The End of an Arc

The Combination began in December 2016, and we have decided to bring it to a conclusion of sorts, four years on. In the final three posts, below, Tanya Jones, Stephen Baker and I set out our reflections on these last four years.

The Twitter account (@Combination_ni) will remain active, the films will remain available on YouTube, and we may upload occasional posts in the future; but until further notice, we will no longer be posting regularly on this site.

Thank you for your company, and best wishes from everyone at The Combination.

Maurice Macartney

26 December 2020

The Joys of Combination

In the last post of the four year arc of The Combination, Tanya Jones debunks some ‘toxic and manipulative myths’ of ‘human badness’, and champions the ‘experience of working with others, for a common goal and the common good’.

As we end this particular combination of ideas and perspectives, words, images and sounds, I’ve been thinking about the ways in which people voluntarily combine for mutual and common good.  That includes, of course, the unions referenced by Maurice in our very first post, against whom the Combination Acts were deployed, but also campaigns against inequality, poverty, war and environmental destruction, as well as cooperatives, reconciliation groups, arts initiatives, citizens’ assemblies and the mutual aid responses to this year’s pandemic.  I’d like to suggest that, as well as the specific objectives of these groups, they also serve to combat three toxic and manipulative myths.  These myths, interrelated and shifting, are used, sometimes deliberately, sometimes not, to stifle truth-telling voices and to stymie precious opportunities for change.

The first tells us that human beings are essentially bad.  This conjures up, of course, and especially for anyone who has lived in Northern Ireland, the specific Christian doctrine of original sin.  But both Catholic and Protestant iterations of that pernicious claim present potential solutions, however inhuman.  The secular version presents no hope. 

It co-opts the construct of the Anthropocene, which makes sense in purely scientific terms, to argue that climate catastrophe is the collective moral fault of humanity, which therefore deserves its impending doom.  Andreas Malm’s Fossil Capital forensically dismantles this claim, showing how the hydrocarbon economy resulted from specific capitalist decisions, which were neither inevitable nor uncontested.  Nevertheless, the narratives persist, even intensify with the worsening crisis: this is our fault, whether we are minority world consumers or majority world parents, our greed and profligacy has brought us here, and only corporate technofixes can save our worthless skins. 

Similar stories are told about inequality and injustice, that they are the natural consequences of our fallen (or never elevated) nature.  If humans are incapable of more than racing to accumulate the most stuff and status, then, as the sententious Tories like to tell us, there will of course be ‘winners and losers’.  So the logic of meritocracy, ‘to he who has, more shall be given’, is as good as anything else, and a lot less trouble.

But the experience of working with others, for a common goal and the common good, shows this to be untrue.  No, we’re not perfect, and neither are our comrades, but we see reflected in others, along with our anxiety and mistakes, our real worth and agency.  There are conflicts within groups, of course, a choice of paths to the envisioned outcome, but rarely malevolence.  When we are let down, then we feel betrayed, yes, but that very feeling is evidence that we expected something better. 

The second myth, connected to the first, is that we can’t expect much of those with power, wealth or authority.  There are two versions of this: the patrician, that the rulers are doing a good job which the rest of us are too ignorant to recognise; and the populist, that politicians and experts are all corrupt anyway, so we might as well let the most egregious liar run the shop.  Again, experience of actual campaigning, on specific issues, gives us the tools to challenge these claims, and to interrogate those with power about the details of how they exercise it.  Many, maybe most, fall short of what we ideally want, but it is certainly not the case that they are all the same.  Our electoral systems need urgent reform, but it is a dangerous illusion to think that dismantling them altogether would in itself reduce the influence of fossil capital or monopolistic media.

And the third myth is that the general badness of humanity is concentrated in particular groups.  We know all too much about this one.  But again, the best remedy is actual experience, either directly, if the combination is inclusive enough, or through relationships of solidarity between different campaigns.  It is in these connections that we recognise both our own privilege and the fact that human rights and justice are not a zero sum game.

In their focus on the specific, on particular and achievable reforms, voluntary groups and campaigns give us invaluable tools and measures, enabling us honestly to assess ourselves and our representatives. In order to keep our activism alive, through hard and harder times, we need to reiterate generosity and kindness, towards our own human fragility, our group dynamic, and the peopled world beyond. More than this, we need constantly to challenge our susceptibility to the myths of human badness.  Our small campaigns, our shared initiatives, may be more important than we realise, giving us opportunities not only to strive for a better world, but to model it in miniature, and to assert the reality of original virtue. 

We need our combinations, and not only on winter nights.

Tanya Jones

26 December 2020

Cheer up! The class struggle goes on.

Stephen Baker reflects on the four years of The Combination, and looks ahead to a renewed struggle to bring about a just transition to a more democratic, equitable and sustainable political economy.

It’s hard to know where to start or what to remember. Was there a long 19th century and a short 20th century? Were the 80s brought to a close by the fall of Margaret Thatcher or the election of Tony Blair? What defines an epoch or an era? What marks a generational shift? Are we at the end of something or the beginning, or in the midst? When the Conservatives were returned to power in December last year, I was inconsolable. I’d worked out, in these pages, that I’d lived most of my life under a Tory government, and I couldn’t see any end in sight. Fortunately, I was snapped out of my despair by a friend – a communist – who told me in no uncertain terms to “Cheer the fuck up! It’s the struggle. It never ends.”

Anyone involved in the working class movement and the struggle for socialism expects defeats and setbacks. For me, in my lifetime, there is little that compares to the defeat of the National Union of Mineworkers in 1985. Workers striking to defend their jobs, family lives and communities, were demonised by the Prime Minister as ‘the enemy within’. They were beaten by the police in front of the media that for its part acted as the establishment’s slobbering mouthpiece. They were let down by a Labour leadership that vacillated as the government broke the back of Labour’s working class constituencies. The end of the strike left the way clear for the continued and dreadful transformation of the UK under Margaret Thatcher’s Tory government. For sure, the forces of neoliberalism that Thatcher spearhead in Britain have been deployed with much more murderous intent in other parts of the world. Still, the miners’ return to work was a serious blow to the labour and trade union movement, and we’ve all lived with its bitter consequences ever since. Another world is always possible, but you can draw a line, or set a course, from the miner’s strike to Brexit, along which lies the steady erosion of social solidarity, and the rise of free market zealotry, post-imperial melancholia and nationalist hubris.

When, at the fag-end of 2016, Tanya Jones, Jenny Muir, Maurice Macartney and I met in a Newtownards café, we must have cut disconsolate figures, ruminating on Brexit and Trump. The Combination grew out of that meeting. We had grand plans then, but regular commentary is hard to sustain, and I think it’s fair to say that Maurice’s contribution has been the most substantial. His conception of ‘the crank’ – a politics and economics that elevates the rich by exerting enormous pressure down onto the many beneath its heel – is one that he pursued on this site: writing about it, and talking about it, and making a number of wonderful short films. The crank is a perfect metaphor for our current system. Not only does it crush people, it elevates the rich up, up and away, to a height were the devastation beneath them is always receding into insignificance. It’s a legacy of Thatcher and her neoliberal crusaders, and they’ve been turning the crank handle in one direction for decades now. Even when the system crashed in 2008, the crank’s terrible pressure never let up. It got worse – and so a reaction was always due.

Austerity hastened the Scots to the polls for an independence referendum in 2014, and although 55 percent voted to remain in the UK, it still feels like the tide is going out on the union. In 2015, Jeremy Corbyn, a mild mannered but nonconforming Labour back-bencher won the party’s leadership election. He only just made it onto the ballot paper, reaching the required 35 nominations with two minutes to spare before the deadline. He was helped by parliamentary colleagues who never dreamed of voting for him and didn’t believe he had a snowball’s chance in hell of winning. Corbyn’s inclusion in the contest was to patronise the Left and give the public appearance of a vibrant internal debate. His victory and the popularity of his anti-austerity message surprised New Labour’s panjandrums, so much so that they demanded a rematch, which Corbyn won again the following year, with even more of the popular vote. When Labour came close to winning the 2017 election, the British establishment, spooked, employed their darkest arts to break Corbyn. Some within Labour even tried to sabotage the party’s chances of winning the election, scandalously preferring Boris Johnson to their own leader.

Corbyn’s election to the leadership of the Labour party wasn’t the only vote greeted with amazement. What brought Maurice, Jenny, Tanya and I around a café table in December 2016 wasn’t just the result of the EU referendum in June, it was also the election of Donald J Trump that December. I can’t speak for my three comrades, but neither Brexit nor Trump came as a huge surprise. Shocking, yes, but not incredible. Neither were departures of any sort, nor where they mere aberrations, but rather a working out of things that had gone before. Trump’s election, for instance, was in many ways a product of ‘the swamp’ he proposed to drain. His belligerent ignorance and braggadocio made him perfect for an age of rolling 24 hour news and social media. Certainly, the news channels and press couldn’t take their eyes of him, and awaited his every proclamation on Twitter like starving dogs anticipate red meat. Trump was pure Regeneron to financially ailing news organisations, and in turn they gave him a spotlight. A star was born… or born again because, after all, Trump was already a celebrity. His bombastic, brusque television personality transferred easily from light entertainment into the political sphere. Who was it said, “Politics is show-biz for ugly people”? The election of Trump dragged into the daylight something that had been true for a long time but few cared to mention; that liberal democracy – always limited – has gradually been emptied of political substance and reduced to light entertainment.

Brexit, on the other hand, had no celebrity stardust. As becomes an uprising of petit English nationalism, its mouthpiece, Nigel Farage, had the demeanour of a pub bore, and he could be found regularly propping up the bar on the BBC’s Question Time, playing to its patrons, drunk on self-pity and injured national pride. His shtick was relatively simple: Britain was being prevented from fulfilling its historic, glorious destiny. Greatness in all perpetuity was being denied, and someone or something had to be to blame. Blame couldn’t possibly lie within, at the UK’s undemocratic core, so it had to have something to do with invading immigrants, slippery foreigners and historic European enemies. Britannia was bound in chains that had been fashioned in Brussels. If such imperious concerns could be hitched to common discontent that would be a potent political force.

And, indeed, the rabid-right have also been attuned to the dull thrum of public disgruntlement. It’s that you can hear if you put your ear to the ground beyond the salons of Westminster. It’s the sound that comes from people sick of national humiliation in prolonged theatres of war. Sick of the lies that had ignited these conflagrations. Sick of the political class that had perpetuated these lies. Sick of the media that spread them uncritically. And sick of a system that rewarded and rescued incompetent and corrupt financiers, while allowing the economies that sustained ordinary people to whither.

Now our sickness is literal. When the COVID pandemic struck, an emaciated health service was at grave risk of being overwhelmed. Welfare provision that had been to cut the bone and made punitive left workers facing penury. Anti-trade union legislation (never repealed) exposed employees to dangerous working environments, leaving them vulnerable to infection. On top of all of this, the UK and the US lacked the intellectual wherewithal to cope with a challenge that required co-ordinated, collective action. Ideologically committed to aggressive individualism, the instinct of those in power was to go for herd immunity, which meant, quite literally, the survival of the fittest. That particular free-market fantasy was quickly punctured by the dawning realisation that the economy wouldn’t be immune to a public health crisis of this size. For in truth, there simply is no such thing as a free-market. The so-called free market imprisons and immiserates, while at the same time it needs to be enforced and periodically rescued. On this occasion, government was always behind the pandemic curve it proposed to flatten, with interventions that were too little, too late. There have been, to date, over 70,000 COVID deaths in the UK, and over 330,000 in the US. We could say that all the wrong people were in charge at precisely the wrong time. But can you imagine an era that our current political leaders would be equal to? The blithering and bellicose men that appeared like purulent sores across the globe are symptoms not physicians.

Trump’s eviction from the White House and the UK’s departure from the EU brings nothing of any great significance to a conclusion. So, while The Combination may be calling it a day, there is still no end in sight. “The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.” It’s never very fashionable to mention it, but the class struggle goes on, except now it’s also a struggle for a just transition from a fossil fuel economy to green new deal, and a struggle to defeat the white supremacists that can be counted among the system’s most doughty defenders. But it’s also a struggle to build democracies, societies and political organisations that can deliver that transformation. The ones we have at the moment are not fit for purpose. If there is one thing that I have concluded in the four years of The Combination, it is that political parties that assume the centre-left have neither the will nor capacity to transform anything. More than this, they actually prohibit transformation. The UK Labour party’s dalliance with radical politics is over. It prefers respectable opposition to principled struggle. The Irish Greens averted change in Ireland to facilitate a coalition of the old firm. Its reward will be not a just transition but cycle lanes. To borrow from Ralph Miliband, these parties “play a major role in the management of discontent.” They curtail and channel dissent away from anything genuinely transformative, especially at the very moment when it’s most needed and desired. They effectively save the system that their political fortunes and lives depend upon.

It’s not as if we lack the ideas or resources to implement a just transition. What stands in our way is the ruling class that has always considered the lives of its subordinates as superfluous – mere collateral damage in the remorseless accumulation of private wealth. It is the class that regards working people as infinitely malleable and mobile. The class that colonised, cleared and enclosed the land, and today gentrifies cities, dispossessing working class residents in the process. The class that during the Irish famine preferred the preservation of laissez-faire principles to feeding the starving, and latterly contemplated herd immunity in the face of a pandemic. The class that built workhouses and gave us Universal Credit, and stands by as people freeze to death on the streets at Christmas for want of a home. The class that looks for a business opportunity in every catastrophe. The class that is so spectacularly elevated by the crank economy it has lost all sight of the Earth that it is burning beneath it.

This is how things stand. This is where we start. This is what we need to remember. Once more: “The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.” Let’s act accordingly.

Stephen Baker

26 December 2020